World Under Trump: Where Is the Global Order Headed?

Few phenomena in modern history have held as much significance as the global rise of democracy. Three centuries ago, nearly no one lived under democratic systems, while autocratic and hereditary regimes ruled the world. Even in the 1940s, at the height of World War II, only a few small democracies persisted, constantly threatened by collapse.

According to Rokna, at the start of the 21st century, however, the global political landscape has transformed so dramatically that democracy has become the dominant form of governance worldwide. Billions now live in countries with clear respect for individual freedoms, civil rights, and the rule of law, far removed from autocracy and arbitrary rule. This remarkable progress and paradigm shift was largely dependent on the direct influence and support of a democratic superpower: the United States.

From Promoting Freedom to Encouraging Authoritarianism: America’s Pivot

During his tenure, Donald Trump struck at the deeply entrenched infrastructure of American democracy promotion, dismantling key components of institutions that had long championed freedom abroad. His overtly anti-democratic actions—from near-unlimited claims of executive authority to threats against political opponents and disregard for established governance traditions—shattered the long-held belief that the United States would never veer toward authoritarianism.

The global rise of democracy over the past half-century was deeply intertwined with America’s emergence as a liberal superpower. Now, the outlook for democratic institutions appears uncertain. Should the United States retreat from this crucial struggle for the global political future—or worse, become a force promoting authoritarianism internationally—the decades-long legacy of supporting freedom is at risk.

Trump’s worldview is complex, blending calls for peace with aggressive interventionism, ruthless deal-making with emotional nostalgia, and appeals to national greatness intertwined with overt personal selfishness. Yet one fact stands out: Trump has shown little genuine interest in promoting democracy abroad or protecting it at home.

Throughout his first term, he repeatedly preferred alliances with powerful autocrats over cooperation with democratic allies, dismissing America’s political values as distractions from “the hard, brutal work of global politics.” With his return to power in January 2025, this orientation has intensified. He immediately launched a full-scale assault on structures and institutions that had long promoted American democracy abroad and supported freedom movements worldwide.

His administration hollowed out these institutions, reducing their key functions. The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) was effectively neutralized. Funding for the National Endowment for Democracy, which played a central role in supporting civil society and freedom movements globally, was cut. Financial and media support for Voice of America and other independent overseas media was sharply reduced.

Trump’s supporters justified these measures by arguing that these institutions had become hubs for “radical leftists” and, allegedly influenced by Moscow and Beijing, had destabilized target countries through “color revolutions.” The Trump administration also curtailed official human rights reporting, reduced election monitoring missions, and dismantled or weakened U.S. institutions designed to counter disinformation campaigns and authoritarian psychological warfare. Several international coalitions and initiatives in these areas were abandoned.

In a major speech in Saudi Arabia, Trump called decades of promoting democracy abroad “a tragic mistake.” Vice President J.D. Vance later reinforced this message, asserting that “the days when America told other countries how to live are over.”

While debates persist on how actively the U.S. should promote its values in today’s competitive and high-risk geopolitical environment, the Trump-MAGA movement exhibits an unmistakable pattern: affinity and alignment with authoritarian regimes rather than democratic allies.

Trump: Promoting Autocracy with an American Twist

Trump’s foreign policy trajectory has effectively promoted “autocracy with American characteristics.” He partnered closely with elected but effectively autocratic leaders like El Salvador’s Nayib Bukele to implement mass deportations without due process. In Europe, Hungary’s semi-authoritarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has emerged as his closest political and ideological ally, despite long-standing criticism for restricting civil freedoms and institutional independence. Trump-aligned U.S. officials have also openly supported far-right parties in Germany.

MAGA supporters openly admire Russian President Vladimir Putin, viewing his defense of “traditional values” favorably. Trump retaliated against Brazil with punitive tariffs solely to target former President Jair Bolsonaro, a Trump admirer, for allegedly undermining democracy after the 2022 election.

Within eight months of returning to power, Trump’s list of troubling, overtly anti-democratic actions has grown. He has deployed the military in cities governed by Democratic mayors, used legal and governmental tools against opponents, pressured universities and research institutions, and allowed instances of cronyism and abuse of power to multiply. Simultaneously, he has sought to undermine fundamental constitutional rights, including birthright citizenship.

Trump does not hide his intentions. He has stated openly that many Americans “might like a dictator,” played with restrictions on free speech, and even floated the unconstitutional idea of a “third presidential term”—once unimaginable in U.S. politics.

While the United States is unlikely to transform overnight into North Korea, Trump’s governance model makes two worrying scenarios increasingly plausible. First, a U.S. retreat from its historic role as a defender of global democracy. Second—and more alarming—the possibility that America could itself become a post-democratic or authoritarian superpower.

A non-foundational America, if current trends continue, could become a “superpower of corruption,” engaging in predatory governance while aggressively shaping global authoritarian patterns. Traditional alliances with European democracies and Western Pacific nations could weaken, leaving them more vulnerable to coercion and influence.

Non-foundational U.S. leaders may prefer alliances with autocrats over democratic partners, as exemplified by Trump’s partnership with Bukele in El Salvador and the interventionist support of authoritarian-friendly movements in Brazil. In such a scenario, the longstanding liberal internationalism of the U.S. may be replaced by a form of “non-foundational internationalism,” of which Trump’s current policies offer a foretaste—illustrating how a post-democratic superpower might wield power globally, from economic coercion to territorial influence, undermining international trade rules and freely pursuing protective policies.